Transcript · English → Chinese

English → Chinese transcript

世界上最富饶的油田之一位于伊拉 克南部。

它叫“马基农”(Majnoon),在阿拉伯语里 意思是“疯狂”。

但同样疯狂的是,这片油田

以及其他类似油田产生的收入

却由美国控制。

美国并不拥有这些油田。

也不负责开采原油。

但在入侵伊拉克二十多年之后,

它仍然对伊拉克最重要的收入来源

保持着影响力。

这对伊拉克的政治、

经济以及巴格达如何权衡

国内利益与美国的期待都有现实影 响。

2003年入侵伊拉克之后,

美国对能源收入强加了一套新的金 融架构,

要求石油和天然气销售所得

必须被支付到

“伊拉克发展基金”(DFI)中。

该基金设在纽约联邦储备银行,

所以伊拉克的石油收入依然留在伊 拉克境外。

最终,DFI 变成了一个账户

由伊拉克中央银行持有。

从法律上讲,这些钱属于伊拉克,

但在操作层面上,它仍然要经过

美国的金融和监管体系,

这意味着美国控制着

伊拉克石油收入流经的金融管道。

名义上,这并不违反伊拉克的主权,

但在实际操作中,这让美国

对伊拉克经济形成了一个半永久性 的控制。

一开始,这些资金的支出

就因为监管不力而问题重重。

2004 年到 2007 年间,美国国防部

没有妥善核算 26 亿美元,

这笔钱占当时 91 亿美元中

近三分之一的伊拉克石油收入。

这是根据伊拉克重建事务

特别监察长的报告。

报告还发现,剩余的六十多亿美元

也被严重管理不善。

这不仅仅是行政上的疏忽,

它开创了一个先例:伊拉克自己的收 入

也可以在伊拉克体制之外被管理。

直到今天,这些收入仍然存放在

纽约联邦储备银行的美元账户中,

造成了一种结构性依赖。

事情还不止于此。

伊拉克政府的报告显示,美国官员

曾警告巴格达,华盛顿可能会限制

伊拉克获取石油收入的渠道,

如果亲伊朗的政治势力组建伊拉克 政府。

阻止或延迟获取以美元计价的

石油收入,可能会重创经济。

伊拉克无法绕开美元体系。

它的金融体系已经美元化,

也就是说,本币的价值被盯住美元,

其央行和政府必须予以配合。

符合美国反洗钱和制裁规范

才能动用他们自己的钱。

分析人士表示,华盛顿可以利用这一 点

作为谈判中的筹码

尤其是在涉及伊拉克与伊朗的关系

以及国内民兵组织时。

这不是理论问题。

这是根植于华盛顿监管权力的杠杆

这种权力作用于全球金融体系。

这里有一个重要区别

因为美国并不拥有伊拉克油田。

美国公司也不控制生产或出口量

伊拉克仍然负责签署石油合同

并通过其国家机构制定产量。

这种杠杆是金融和监管层面的

而不是军事占领或资产扣押

它让美国得以扼住伊拉克

核心国家收入来源的咽喉。

它也是一种地缘政治施压的工具

可以用来影响巴格达如何在关系上 寻求平衡

在德黑兰、莫斯科以及国内政治联盟 之间

在俄罗斯 美国正试图控制石油

让石油更难出售 也更不赚钱

在委内瑞拉 美国实际上掌握着石油本身

而在伊拉克 美国掌握着石油收入款项

End of transcript · 577 words · machine translated

Original transcript (English)

One of the richest oilfields in the world is in southern Iraq. It's called Majnoon, which means crazy in Arabic. But what's equally crazy is that the revenue from this oilfield and others like it is controlled by the United States.

America doesn't own them. It doesn't pump the crude. But more than two decades after its invasion, it retains influence over Iraq's most important source of income.

This has real world consequences for Iraqi politics and the economy and on how Baghdad balances domestic interests with U.S. expectations. After the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the U.S. imposed a new financial structure

on energy revenue, mandating that proceeds from oil and gas sales be paid into the Development Fund for Iraq, or DFI. The fund was based at the New York Federal Reserve Bank, so Iraqi oil revenue remained outside Iraq.

The DFI eventually became an account of the Central Bank of Iraq. Legally, this money belongs to Iraq, but operationally it continues to pass through American financial and regulatory systems,

meaning the U.S. controls the financial plumbing through which Iraqi oil revenues flow. On paper, this doesn't violate Iraqi sovereignty, but in practice, it gives the U.S. a semi-permanent hold on Iraq's economy.

From the start, the spending of these funds was plagued by poor oversight. Between 2004 and 2007, the U.S. Department of Defense did not properly account for $2.6 billion of the $9.1 billion, nearly a third,

of Iraq's oil revenue for that period. That's according to the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction. It also found that the remaining more than $6 billion was poorly managed.

Not just administrative negligence, it set a precedent that Iraq's own revenues could be administered outside Iraqi institutions. To date, revenue remains in dollar accounts at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York,

creating a structural dependency. It goes further. Iraqi government reports suggest U.S. officials have warned Baghdad Washington could restrict Iraq's access to oil revenues

if Iran-aligned political actors make the Iraqi government. Blocking or delaying access to dollar-dominated oil revenue could cripple the economy. Iraq cannot bypass the U.S. dollar system. Its financial system is dollarized,

meaning the local currency's value is pegged, and its central bank and government must comply with U.S. anti-money laundering and sanctions norms to access their own money. Analysts say Washington can use this

as a bargaining chip in negotiations, particularly when it comes to Iraq's relationships with Iran and domestic militia groups. This is not theoretical. It is leverage rooted in Washington's regulatory authority

over the global financial system. There's an important distinction here, as the U.S. does not own Iraqi oil fields. U.S. companies do not control production or export volumes, and Iraq remains responsible for signing oil contracts

and setting output through its national institutions. The leverage is financial and regulatory, not military occupation or seizure of assets, and it gives the U.S. a chokehold over Iraq's core national revenue stream.

It's also a tool of geopolitical pressure, which can be used to influence how Baghdad balances relations with Tehran, Moscow, and domestic political coalitions. In Russia, the U.S. is trying to control the oil, making it harder to sell and less profitable.

In Venezuela, the U.S. effectively holds the oil, and in Iraq, the U.S. holds the money from the oil.

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