English → Arabic transcript
لا يا بيت، لا يمكن أن تكون لدينا غايتان منفصلتان. هذا هو ما يحدث الآن،
وهذا يعود إلى ليندسي غراهام وهو يتوسل للسعوديين أن يأتوا إلى هنا.
لن تتمكن من إحضار الدول العربية إلى هنا، لأنهم يفهمون أن تركيبة الحرب تغيّرت
ليلة السبت. الآن لديك حركة قومية فارسية. لهذا كان الهدف الأولي
This is why President Trump's initial objective was to support
the overwhelming dissident groups in the, in, in, in Persia
في فارس التي كانت تكره أن تكون تحت حذاء Ayatollahs وMullahs. لماذا لا يحدث ذلك؟
Why is that not happening? Yes, they're still under huge threat.
But one of the reasons here is this, this war shifted on Saturday night
ليلة السبت لأن الإسرائيليين فعلوا شيئًا لم يُرِد الرئيس إطلاقًا أن يحدث.
ولا يمكننا، ولا ينبغي لنا أن نحاول تغطية الأمر أو تجميله. يجب أن نحاول معالجته.
ويجب أن نحاول معالجته مع الشعب الأمريكي. تريتا بارسي، تنضم إلينا الآن.
Trita Parsi, you join us now. You're, you, you, you are,
أنت، أنت، أنت، أنت، كما تعلم، أنت إيراني، وقد عملت مع هؤلاء الأشخاص.
لذا فهذا ليس، ولا ينبغي أن يكون، تقييماً متوازناً أو محايداً، لكن أعطني تقييمك
للمكان الذي نقف فيه الآن. خصوصاً أن نظريتي في هذه المسألة هي أننا
Particularly as my theory of the case is now we're into, we've, we've,
the Israelis have managed to unite the Persian people that were not united.
يكن موحداً. وأحد الأطروحات المركزية في جهودنا كان التأكد من أننا نقف خلفهم
بينما يأخذون زمام المبادرة بأيديهم للإطاحة بالمرشد الأعلى وهذا الجمهورية
شكرًا لك، ستيف. فقط، فقط للتوضيح، وُلدت في إيران، لكن عائلتي فرت عندما كان عمري
أربع سنوات. لقد درست إيران لأكثر من خمسةٍ وعشرين، ثلاثين عامًا. وفي تلك العملية،
من الواضح أنني تحدثت مع أشخاص من جميع الأطراف،
Your assessment is absolutely correct.
مصفاة النفط نقطة تحوّل كبيرة، كبيرة جدًا في كل هذا. قبل ذلك بالفعل،
كانت هناك مؤشرات على أن هذه الحرب كانت تتحوّل، في أعين كثير من الإيرانيين،
ضد إيران كأمة بدلًا من أن تكون ضد ثيوقراطيتها. كان يمكنك أن ترى ذلك عندما كان
You could see that when Trump was talking about arming the Kurds,
you know, things that sounded as if the US was going to support a separatist movement,
حركة انفصالية، ومخاوف موجودة منذ وقت طويل من أن الغرب يسعى إلى تمزيق أوصال إيران.
لكن استهداف مصافي النفط أوصل الرسالة فعلًا بأن الأمر ليس
متعلقًا بالقضاء على القدرات القمعية للدولة، كما تعرف، البسيج، الحرس الثوري،
you know, the Basij, the IRGC, and then allow the population to rise up.
Rather, this was targeting the nation as a whole because people in Tehran cannot breathe right now.
I spoke to a person the day after. He said that he could see many people who had chosen to stay in Tehran, they gave up.
They're leaving the city right now because they actually cannot breathe.
يستطيعون التنفس. ورأى في الشوارع أن بعض الناس، بينما كانوا يحزمون
were starting to chant slogans against the United States, against Israel.
ولم يبدُ أن هؤلاء هم، كما تعرف، المؤيدون المعتادون للنظام. أعني نسبة الـ15
أو 20% الذين كانوا سيخرجون ويتظاهرون بشكل منتظم تأييدًا للنظام. هؤلاء بدا أنهم
شريحة مختلفة تمامًا من المجتمع. وقد سمعت هذا الآن من عدة أشخاص مختلفين.
وكان هذا هو الخطر طوال الوقت.
Remember that in Iraq, in Libya, when there were these campaigns to regime, change the regime,
there were never any instances in which you saw a very, very large crowd come out
وليس المقصود بهذا أن هذه الثيوقراطية بالذات تحظى بشعبية خاصة.
في الواقع، لا أظن أنها كذلك أبدًا.
And we saw massive numbers coming out from that support base
yesterday, celebrating their decision to name the son of the Supreme Leader as the next Supreme Leader.
كمرشد أعلى جديد. لم نر أيًّا من هذه الأمور في العراق أو في ليبيا، وأعتقد أن هذا
يخبرنا بشيء ما. الوضع مختلف جدًا، هذا نظام غير محبوب، لكنه يملك قاعدة دعم.
ثم إن بقية السكان يميلون لأن يكونوا وطنيين جدًا جدًا. وفي الظروف العادية،
And in normal circumstances, they would have been completely against any foreign invader.
في هذه الحالة، كان هناك جزء من السكان بدا كأنه يرحب بذلك لأنهم كانوا قد سئموا
But those sentiments seem to have shifted very fast as it's become clear to them,
this is a war on the country, not a war on the regime.
End of transcript · 714 words · machine translated
Original transcript (English)
No, Pete, we can't have two separate objectives. This is now what, and it goes back to Lindsey Graham begging the Saudis to come in here. You're not going to get the Arab states to come in here because they understand the makeup of the war changed Saturday night. Now you have a Persian nationalist movement. This is why President Trump's initial objective was to support
the overwhelming dissident groups in the, in, in, in Persia that hated being under the boot of the Ayatollahs and the Mullahs. Why is that not happening? Yes, they're still under huge threat. But one of the reasons here is this, this war shifted on Saturday night because the Israelis did something that the president absolutely didn't want to have happen.
And we can't, we shouldn't be trying to gloss it over. We should be trying to address it. And we should be trying to address it with the American people. Trita Parsi, you join us now. You're, you, you, you are, you know, you're Iranian, you've worked with those guys. So this is not like a, and it shouldn't be an even-handed assessment,
but give me your assessment of where we stand right now. Particularly as my theory of the case is now we're into, we've, we've, the Israelis have managed to unite the Persian people that were not united. And one of the central thesis of our efforts was to make sure that we had their back as they took it in their hands to overthrow the Ayatollah and this Islamic Republic, sir.
Thank you, Steve. Just, just to clarify, I was born in Iran, but my family fled when I was four. I've studied Iran for more than 25, 30 years. And in that process, obviously, I've spoken to people on all sides, including people deep inside the Iranian government. Your assessment is absolutely correct. The attack against the oil refinery was a major, major turning point in all of this.
Already prior to that, there had been signs that this war was turning in the eyes of many Iranians against Iran as a nation rather than against its theocracy. You could see that when Trump was talking about arming the Kurds, you know, things that sounded as if the US was going to support a separatist movement, fears that exist for a long time that the West is seeking Iran's dismemberment.
But the targeting of the oil refineries really hit the point home that this is not about taking out the repressive capabilities of the state, you know, the Basij, the IRGC, and then allow the population to rise up. Rather, this was targeting the nation as a whole because people in Tehran cannot breathe right now. I spoke to a person the day after. He said that he could see many people who had chosen to stay in Tehran, they gave up.
They're leaving the city right now because they actually cannot breathe. And he saw that on the streets, spontaneously, some people, as they were packing up their stuff and leaving, were starting to chant slogans against the United States, against Israel. And these did not look to be, you know, the usual supporters of the regime. I mean, the 15, 20% that would come out and protest on a regular basis in favor of the regime.
These looked like a completely different segment of society. And I've heard this now from several different people. And this was the risk all along. I think we should take note of one thing, Steve. Remember that in Iraq, in Libya, when there were these campaigns to regime, change the regime, there were never any instances in which you saw a very, very large crowd come out in support of those regimes. And that's not to say that this specific theocracy is particularly popular.
In fact, I don't think it is at all. But it does have a support base of 15 to 20% of the population. And we saw massive numbers coming out from that support base yesterday, celebrating their decision to name the son of the Supreme Leader as the next Supreme Leader. We never saw any of these things in Iraq or in Libya. And I think that tells us something. It's a very different situation. This is an unpopular regime, but it does have a support base.
And then the rest of the population tend to be very, very nationalistic. And in normal circumstances, they would have been completely against any foreign invader. In this case, there was a segment that seemed to welcome it because they were just so sick and tired of this theocracy. But those sentiments seem to have shifted very fast as it's become clear to them, this is a war on the country, not a war on the regime.