Saudi Intelligence Reports on Yemen

After

the UAE's split from the Saudi coalition, one wondered

about Tariq's fate. These documents

provide a partial answer to the intriguing question.

We reveal many compelling details as part of the scandals

of Saudi intelligence in Yemen. Stranger still, though not

surprising to those familiar with the Saudi character, is that their

traitorous servant, Tariq, failed to pass the test of

loyalty to Saudi Arabia and, according to the assessments of the

Saudi intelligence committee, remained loyal to the UAE.

This document reveals a shocking assessment of Tariq.

Of course, this document is part of the Saudi military intelligence assessment

of Tariq's forces, the Republican Guard,

which also includes an assessment of

Tariq himself. It describes his

social influence, first, stating that his loyalty leans toward the United Arab Emirates.

It speaks of his influence, stating that he has no influence

other than receiving money from the Emiratis

to buy the loyalty of some people. In a recent meeting with him, Tariq confirmed

that after the Emiratis withdrew, he met with Sheikh Mohammed

Zayed said that at his last meeting, he told Tariq that we would run

the coastal operation from Abu Dhabi, support would not stop for you, and things would remain

as they are even after we leave.

All right, what about Ammar? How did Saudi intelligence, or the so-called

Saudi Permanent Committee for Co-optation, assess

Ammar's character? This paper, classified

top secret, describes Ammar's character as loyal to the United Arab

Emirates. According to this assessment, he has no

social influence or acceptance, and his reputation is very poor because of his intelligence apparatus, known as

400, which is overseen by Emirati intelligence, Abu Khalifa, and other

details. It then says Ammar runs the smuggling of

money and weapons, and this is stated verbatim.

Ammar runs the smuggling of money and weapons for the Rapid Support Forces militia in Sudan, within the lists of

the Republican Guards.

The commander is Major General Mohammed

Al-Amiri, nicknamed Abu al-Walid, from Taiz Governorate.

He was brought in, according to this Saudi assessment, to fight

the legitimate government.

In parentheses in Taiz. Of course, Abu al-Walid is one of

the leaders of al-Qaeda who worked with Abu al-Abbas at the

beginning of the aggression. He was rehabilitated and restored

to become a commander in the so-called Republican Guard on the coast.

Of course, this may not seem strange or surprising to many

who knew the nature and loyalties of these leaders

and mercenaries. But what is new here is that we prove it from within

the corridors of Saudi intelligence in Yemen, in the liberated areas,

with official, authenticated papers and stamps, as

we explained and proved in this set of documents, which are

far more than what we reviewed

far more than what we reviewed

by far. We note the assessments. Loyalty varies between Saudi Arabia or

Tariq or Ammar or the UAE. Here, for example,

what catches our attention is

some of the Tihama Brigade commanders, as

these papers describe them. For example, the loyalty of the individual

here, Fuad Mohammed al-Qadi, nicknamed Fuad Jahannam,

is to Ammar Saleh and Abu

Mohammed al-Emirati, who has a bad reputation

He runs a smuggling network for Saudi-Sudanese support, overseen by Abu Mohammed.

Ammar Saleh is involved in moral offenses and is used by Emirati Abu Mohammed as a tool

for their projects. Another figure is the commander of the

Seventh Giants Brigade, whose loyalty to the UAE is due to

his family being in Abu Dhabi, according to this

Saudi intelligence document. Assessment forms show

that the commanders of the Tihama brigades have

negative indicators for everyone associated with Ammar Afash,

due to his recent bad reputation and the crimes of his

intelligence apparatus, known as 400, and its role in smuggling

weapons to the Rapid Support Forces in Sudan.

All of this is according to the Saudi intelligence assessment.

Now, after our brief review of these intelligence papers

in Yemeni territory, especially the liberated areas,

the question remains as to the actual scale of the Saudi military forces' presence

in Yemen, which we will discover or reveal in these

following documents.