Iraqi Prime Minister’s US Visit and Warnings of Division

When the prime minister, unfortunately, the Iraqi prime minister, visits America at the start of his term, and the Americans welcome him that way, and even the whitewashing campaign he launched with such fanfare, the so-called fight against corruption, which we know is just for show,

and we also know who runs this corruption: the Americans and those who control the oil, and who are also trying to buy loyalties through this oil.

This whitewashing campaign, and the show of interest, and the direct visit to the Americans is a very clear message.

For example, we remember Yemen during the Six Wars in 2004.

This trip resembled that one, before— before the Yemeni regime, that is, attacked the Quranic March and Sayyid Hussein Badr al-Din.

There was a shuttle trip about two months beforehand.

Ali Abdullah Saleh traveled via Saudi Arabia then, via Saudi Arabia, on a Hajj pretext.

And he went to, uh, uh, Wa— to, to, to Washington, and met at the time, I mean, with the— with President Bush, who was in office then, He met with the Americans during that period.

And during the year, uh—there were other visits to America for him, and clear interest in Yemen's president.

Today, we also see meetings, I mean, during this short period, meetings with the Saudi Crown Prince, meetings with the foreign minister—this is in Iraq, and meetings with the American foreign minister. All these are clear messages,

So I say this is a clear message, and everyone in Iraq today must understand the danger of, I mean, leaving the Hezbollah Party of Iraq on its own today.

Uh, it is only possible to—also to, I mean, include the whole—whole system of resistance, the entire Popular Mobilization, completely, in its entirety, if, uh, one component is left out.

The reality is that Iraqi affairs must be read through real facts, through facts on the ground.

I mean, let us ignore the noise our opponents make.

And it opens up crises for us, and also opens up the rifts between us, so to speak.

Iraq suffered greatly at the hands of clear forces, namely, the takfiri groups that were being fueled by these—these powers that today claim they are the ones seeking, uh, stability for Iraq, led by the United States, as well as Saudi Arabia.

The Wahhabi takfiri group, this school of thought— its entire school, its source, its funding, its administration, its intelligence, uh, I mean, everything connected to it today is inside Saudi Arabia, in Saudi Arabia's dens.

These cells, all the killings that took place among the people of Iraq were directed from within this—this trade, this market we all suffer from under clear US oversight. This project is clear.

Iraq could not, it could not confront them except— except when it realized the danger and moved in a way that involved alliance and cooperation and unified its decision and its authority in the confrontation and moved all— all the authorities moved with one vision, as one entity,

Holding fast to God's rope, we staged a sit-in, We mobilized decisively, and were able to succeed in a very short time.

They must remember these epic struggles, They must remember these sacrifices, They must also understand the plan. The plan is clear, What's planned for Iraq?

Geographically, part of it is meant to be included in a declared project, namely Greater Israel. All right.

Yemen has no project to confront Iraq, And Iran has no project—geographically, there's occupation there, No project by any group.

The one that has openly declared its ambitions is the Zionist entity, as well as those who support this entity, who protect it, who fight alongside it, who use the same, I mean, the same— same terms against the resistance forces,

and deal with them in the same way, calling them terrorists. And the Saudi media— the Saudis, And this—this single system, this single entity, who also confronts the free forces?

Today, they also want to isolate us as components, Ansar Allah means Saudi Arabia is f-facing it, Iran, America, and Iraq are worse.

It d-draws something worse for it, namely, an internal strife.

I think the I-Iraqi people understand the danger of this approach and who is fueling it and pursuing it, and the r-religious authority must also fear God today, and not stand by watching, or let a very clear component be isolated,

the regime's project, planted inside the— from the first day Al-Zaydi said— Right, Mr. Ali.

…the weapons of the resistance, clearly.

In any case, the Al-Aqsa Flood, standing with Palestine, is its inevitable result.

Iraq's Muslim Brotherhood must— Yes, I agree with you, and what you also mentioned, Mr. Ali, highlights many dangers.

In your view, these dangers affect not only Iraq but the region as well, so how can solidarity be built today?

And how can political efforts be united?

And how can there be clearer and stronger positions in confronting these attempts?

The truth is, Iraqis know best, I heard your esteemed guest. They know best, but the truth is, based on our reading of the—reality, and our reading of the nature of the conflict, this isn't an internal Iraqi problem in that—well, in that sense,

as if we could get the—details of the weapons issue under control, and also the—negotiations, the understandings, that would mean we could move toward a solution and the other side would accept it.

The other side has to understand this, even if either side backs down, even if either side accepts—accepts—accepts, well, any understandings, the other side's—its ambitions don't stop.

It has openly stated that it wants Iraqi territory, it wants Iraqi oil, it wants to eliminate the—strength, the—ability to resist any future plan to occupy Iraq, or plunder its wealth, or anything else.

The plan also seeks to foment an obvious internal conflict, Shia versus Sunni, and it has fueled it for a long time, and still does.

There is a lurking enemy, a clear enemy.

It means that if people are drawn into a trap called internal understandings, we don't deny the need for internal accords, but the strategic, true nature of the conflict must be understood.

The region is under threat. The free forces with experience who are also, I mean, mature, substantial, and effective, and whose great sacrifices bore fruit and liberated Iraq, must sit down together and think carefully: Since Iraq's liberation, has our conduct been right?

Has our conduct in dealing with official institutions and elections, and with, I mean, this—this—this—this service to the people and building the state and fighting corruption, been right?

Was our assessment of it correct? Were we able to unite our efforts so that we could create a better reality for Iraq and the Iraqis?

And today, if we move toward any solution, will we be sure Iraq won't fall into chaos and destruction?

That is why I say the decision is still in the hands of the free forces, those with experience, and the religious authorities as well.

They must, must, must realize that they face a great danger.

I mean, Iraq is being plotted against, This danger was built up for it in the past period, after the liberation, after Iraq was plunged into chaos in state institutions, It could not build, It could not fight corruption,

And so reality produced a system of rule tied to the— the— the enemies, to the enemies' projects.

The brothers in Iraq must see how serious it is and reconsider— Okay, I mean, this isn't the first time and perhaps not last.