Analysis of Post-Colonial Nationhood Challenges
And it must be that way.
But at the end of it all,
why have all these countries gone down?
They have taken power over from the
British, the Dutch, the French,
the Belgians, and look at the Congo.
Look at Nigeria.
Forty-five million people.
They don't enjoy our standard of living. Vast natural resources.
About twenty persons per square mile.
Why?
I've asked myself this often. Why?
Because
I must know the reason. Otherwise, I cannot fulfill my simple
elementary function as a minister of the Singapore government.
And I tell you there are many reasons.
First, the will to be a nation.
If a group of human beings do not want to together constitute a nation,
nothing can make them other than superior force.
That's what the Dutch and the British did with their empires
and the French.
Whether you like the other chap or not, I say that you together constitute
my colony. And you are all British subjects
or French citizens or
Dutch protected persons and so on.
Now, each one of them
have taken over.
And a heterogeneous lot have taken over.
And that
variegated group must agree that they want to be a people.
From the rest in the region, preserving our
tolerant, permissive
society, our own way of life and very high standards.
But to do that, you must have the will, the capacity to express
your desire in an effective way. In other words, you must have
leadership.
There's no use saying, you know, the Nigerian people believe so and so.
Which Nigerian people?
East Nigeria, West Nigeria, Midwest Nigeria, North Nigeria?
The Congolese prime minister or the Congolese president says so and
so. Does he represent
the 12 million people of the Congo? Nobody has taken a proper census yet.
Nobody knows how many tribes there are.
Well, assuming that he does represent the 12
million people
of the Congo,
is he in a position to express and implement their
will? In other words, he having decided he signs a decree,
decree
number 1,551, that all
mercenaries of European origin shall be expelled from the Congo.
Now, you tell me who will implement that
decree that all the non-Congolese soldiers who have been brought
there by so many people, the Belgians,
Tchombe
and the Katangis and so on, must get out of the Congo.
Now, who implements that? The United Nations
is going to send chaps there
to serve writs of summons. You know, we serve writs of summons on our
Barisan chaps and say, here you are, Dr.
So-and-so, please appear in court on Wednesday.
And he doesn't appear in court. Well, then we issue a warrant for his arrest.
Then he appears and he is granted bail.
Then the time comes for him to appear for trial.
The boy has disappeared
because he's committed several other offenses. So we say, right, you forfeit.
Where is the father and the mother who stood bail? All right,
pay $500.
Now, you tell me, assuming that I'm the president of the
Ruritanian Republic, I say all
foreigners will clear out.
Then I say, right,
UN Secretary General, please send 10 divisions to clear out all
foreigners.
You see,
at the end of it all, one sunny day,
all mortars will be falling down on the palace or the istana here, you know, just
like they do in Saigon. You know how Ngo Dinh Diem died?
It's an ignominious ending. Mortars,
shells, commandos, his own chasing him.
So he ran under the palace walls to escape.
Caught,
carried in a jeep, shot in a rice field, disposed of.
Collapse.
Now, that's very sad, isn't it?
You must have the will and the wherewithal.
In other words,
a well-oiled, well-maintained machine must be kept
to allow
the people at large to express their will
as represented by certain groups of persons who in
turn
can exercise their mandate with efficacy.
And when they say, yes,
those boys will no longer be given bail because they've broken up
court benches,
disgraced the magistrate, humiliated
the dignity of our courts. And the next time they do this, they
are no
longer given bail and they stay in the lockup until their
trial.
Now, all this requires
an elaborate machinery of which each and every one of you
tonight
is an important
wheel within that machine. Without you,
my colleagues and I cannot govern
because you
and in turn the people in every one of the villages in the 51
constituencies, every street understands that.
Therefore,
today we can meet
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